Israel's Daring Strike: Can the IDF Crush the Houthis Once and For All?

In the fading light of a Thursday afternoon on August 28, a massive explosion rocked Yemen's capital, Sana'a, sending shockwaves through the Houthi stronghold. Back in Israel, a collective sigh of relief echoed in military command rooms, but the tension lingered. It would take days to fully assess the damage from Operation "Lucky Drop," the deadliest blow ever dealt to the Houthi leadership. This meticulously planned assault, involving thousands of soldiers from the Israeli Air Force (IAF), Navy, and Military Intelligence Directorate (AMAN), marked a pivotal moment in Israel's ongoing campaign against the Iranian-backed terrorists, as reported in a feature article for Israel Hayom.

"When opportunities arise, you have to seize them," says Lt. Col. T., head of the Strike Branch in the IAF, who oversees planning and management of operations in the Yemeni theater. "This was a chance that served a greater purpose. I don't think there's been an operation like this in the past two years or anything on this scale in other arenas. It destabilizes the enemy, no matter what. Will it disrupt the next missile? Probably not. But it does shake their system. This was a demonstration of Israel's power."

Striking Yemen requires navigating vast distances, complex logistics, and a host of unknowns. "You have to account for time, the challenges of getting there, and countless unpredictable scenarios," explains the senior officer. "It demands tight coordination between intelligence and the Air Force to make it work. At the end of the day, it's pilots dropping bombs, backed by a massive support network, refueling teams, rescue capabilities, intelligence. It's an operation to fly several planes, refuel them multiple times en route, just to arrive with enough fuel for the mission. That's five to six hours in the air."

Behind every strike are the sharp minds of the IAF's Intelligence Wing, working around the clock to enable these audacious operations in Yemen. "It's the fruit of close, compehensive collaboration across the entire intelligence community," emphasizes Lt. L., an officer in the Intelligence Wing who studies aerial threats. "We sat and waited anxiously for the impacts, then held our breath until the pilots were out of harm's way. That's when the weight lifted, and we knew we'd succeeded."

At the heart of these Yemen strikes is the "Depth Unit," established around January and revealed here for the first time. Sgt. Maj. M., who served as an officer in the unit, explains that it was born from an operational need to focus specifically on the Yemeni front. A small team integrates efforts from the IAF, Navy, intelligence, and other entities to organize and plan all attacks in the arena. This includes deploying special assets to neutralize anti-aircraft threats and preparing for worst-case scenarios like aircraft malfunctions.

"When a request comes from military or political leadership, whether in response to attacks on us or for other strategic reasons, we get to work with precision to find targets that advance our interests," Sgt. Maj. M. says. "We evaluate each case individually, and risk levels vary. Intelligence is always grinding away, and when the order comes, we identify the relevant target."

According to the unit commander, "There's always the thought that something could go wrong, even in the simplest strikes. Yemen operations are Israel's farthest-reaching to date—farther than some Iran missions. So there's always fear of failure, whether mechanical or intelligence-related. Anything can happen, so we lay it all out and prepare contingencies. It's grueling, vital work—we examine every scenario and solve it in advance."

This week, a massive funeral in Sana'a confirmed the unprecedented hit: The Houthis admitted losing their prime minister, Ahmed al-Rahawi, and at least nine cabinet members, including Foreign Minister Jamal Amar, Communications Minister Hashem Sharaf, Justice Minister Mujahid Ahmed Ali, Economy Minister Moeen al-Mahakri, Agriculture Minister Radwan Ali al-Rabai, Electricity Minister Ali Saif Hassan, Culture and Tourism Minister Qasim Hussein al-Yafai, Labor Minister Samir Bajala, and Sports Minister Ahmed al-Mawlad.

Also killed were the prime minister's chief of staff, Muhammad al-Kabsi, and government secretary Zahid al-Amadi. Defying wartime logic, dozens of top terror regime officials gathered in one hall to watch a speech by leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, including the two highest military commanders: Chief of Staff Muhammad Abdul-Karim al-Ghamari and Defense Minister Muhammad al-Atifi. Their presence tipped the scales for approving the op. Yemeni reports say both were severely wounded and hospitalized. As of this writing, the IDF awaits a full battle damage assessment, but Houthi opponents in Yemen report about 20 dead and dozens injured.

"Based on intelligence indicators, we realized we could exploit a gathering and strike the Houthi command and government chain," Lt. L. recounts. "In very short timeframes, with partners in the intelligence community, including the Research Division, Unit 8200, and many others, under strong guidance, we executed the operation. Our job was to guide the planes safely, minimizing risks to avoid ground-to-air missile batteries."

She clarifies: "It's a challenging mission because the distance is immense. The main threat is Houthi anti-aircraft missiles, advanced, Iranian-funded systems deployed across Yemen. They've downed plenty of American drones during the war. The threat is real; the Houthis are prepared, and we had to chart the best path, ensuring the pilots felt secure."

The IAF takes this threat seriously - and for good reason. Since U.S. strikes began in Yemen, the Houthis claim to have downed 16 advanced MQ-9 drones, each costing tens of millions, totaling hundreds of millions in losses. This may have influenced the Trump administration's preference for a paper ceasefire. With manned aircraft, the stakes are infinitely higher.

Tightening the Noose

The Houthis belong to the Zaydi Shia sect, named after the fifth imam, Zayd ibn Ali. Zaydi tribes migrated from the Hijaz to Yemen's northern mountains centuries ago, establishing kingdoms that collapsed in the 20th century. From the chaos, the al-Houthi family rose in the 1990s, allying with Iran and adopting its anti-Western, anti-Zionist, antisemitic ideology, though Jew-hatred is hardly rare in the Middle East.

The IDF is now studying the movement to pinpoint vulnerabilities and strike accordingly, admitting past underestimation of the eastern threat. One identified habit: Gathering to chew qat with allies, which enabled the first assassination attempt on the Houthi chief of staff. Yet no one underestimates their tenacity, survivability, or extremism. For over a decade, they've terrorized Yemen into a famine-ravaged wasteland, despite a regional coalition against them. Even Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman settled for a fragile truce.

Yet Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi vows to continue (and escalate) drone and ballistic missile launches at Israel despite the blow. Sources in Sana'a threatened in Al-Akhbar newspaper to target headquarters, ministries, and even Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's residence. They backed words with action: This week, a ballistic missile hit a ship in the northern sea partially owned by Israeli businessman Idan Ofer. Missiles aimed at Israel fell short, and several drones were intercepted.

One Yemeni official jumped the gun: "This militia is exposed, disintegrating, and headed for its inevitable end," declared Information Minister Muammar al-Eryani of Yemen's legitimate government in Aden.

"The Houthis have plenty of enemies who don't like them," Lt. Col. T. reminds, adding, "We're not alone. We'd like surrounding countries to step in and take responsibility. It's a long road, involving diplomatic or military steps that take time, but there are opportunities."

This matters because the Iranian axis struggles to aid the Houthis, and Hezbollah in Lebanon, whose advisors helped in Yemen's civil war. "Hitting Iran won't directly affect the launches we face," the senior officer explains, "but when you wrap up operations like 'With the Lion' [possibly a reference to another op], strike Hezbollah, change the situation in Syria—the Houthis lose their Iranian backbone. It hurts them logistically, in connections and interfaces, putting you in a different position."

Lt. L. adds: "In 'Operation Rising Lion,' not just Iran was hit, all pro-Iranian axis members felt it. The impact echoes slowly, in funding, harder to smuggle amid our strikes, and in Iran's divided attention across Middle East fronts."

Still, she warns: "The Houthis are very creative, finding ways to adapt and be independent. They believe in themselves and their capabilities, including self-production. Every ballistic missile they launch, they claim as homegrown. Even downing U.S. drones, they say with self-made ground-to-air missiles."

Ultimately, their motivation is unrelenting: "Their banner screams death to America and death to Israel. It's hatred on a high level. This is a terror group highly motivated to harm Israel. They learn, investigate, tweak each time—and we adapt, finding the most effective response."

Even so, the IDF sees broader impacts beyond assassinations. "We've set goals: Hit them, create air and sea blockades for economic damage, disrupt routines, cause political harm—make daily life harder," says Lt. Col. T.

"It works," he continues. "Look at the past year: We targeted ports, airports, national infrastructure, not by accident. These hit the Houthis' state apparatus hardest."

Does it undermine their stability? "Yes. Be precise: It won't stop launches at Israel, but does it destabilize them? Disrupt daily life? Create effects for us? Absolutely.

"It's effective beyond pretty pictures, the other side hurts. Objectively, since airport strikes, almost no flights enter Houthi-controlled Yemen. One UN flight got in. It damages trade, international ties. Flights from Jordan, Saudi Arabia used to arrive; now cut off. Imagine Ben-Gurion Airport closed for half a year, it'd disrupt everything. Same for ports: Fewer ships, less arms. Three weeks ago, a weapons ship was seized, ripples from our actions."

That August 10 operation in Aden captured the "Al-Sharwa" ship smuggling strategic weapons to the terror group, disguised as factory equipment like generators and pumps. Inspections revealed missile and drone parts. Crew testimonies showed Houthis flying smugglers from Sana'a to Amman, then Lebanon and Iran, where ships departed with fuel and arms for the pro-Iranian outfit.

The IDF stresses this isn't the end. Lt. L. notes the Houthis honored past ceasefires and might do so if a Gaza deal emerges. But complacency isn't an option; the military stays prepared.

Per Lt. Col. T., "In future campaigns, we aim to escalate actions and pain levels. We map Houthi pain points, learn from Americans there, the Saudi war. As time passes, we bring better capabilities, intelligence, enabling ops that shift to major military impacts. We also minimize fire on Israel to protect civilians."

What can Israel do differently against Houthis, unlike the Saudi coalition or Americans a decade ago, when their leaders hide deep in mountains?

"Allow me, with permission, to be Zionist. I truly believe in Israel's strength. We've broken barriers, and I say this humbly, respecting the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, but there's something in the Israeli-Jewish DNA, in our intelligence, Air Force, army. We've proven it in other arenas. If we set our minds to collapsing this enemy in a set time, we can get there."

The Houthis continue to fire at a rate of approximately 3 missiles per day, but, since Operation Lucky Drop, approximately 1 in 4 missiles are actually reaching Israel and being intercepted.